Achieving Civil Rights in the Face of Stop & Frisk Abuses
There are pundits who place the US Civil Rights era between
the years 1955 and 1968. This placement
suggests the struggle for civil rights for African-Americans and other hyphenated
Americans was just a 13-year ordeal. Is
this actually the case? Can national
ancestors such as Mississippi NAACP leader Medgar Evers rest easy, assured that
their bloodshed brought franchise, fair deals and justice?
“Much has changed for the better since Mr. Evers’s brutal
death 50 years ago—but there is also much we can still learn and put in use
from the brave life he lived”, reflects St. Senator Eric Adams (D, WF) 20 SD. “Certainly, if he were alive today, he would
be at the front lines against the abuse of Stop and Frisk…Yes, this City would
do well to consider his courage and continue the fight against inequality and
injustice that still exist today.”
The Senator speaks with authority regarding the flaws of the
NYC Police Department’s procedure officially named Stop, Question and
Frisk. Prior to gaining the NYS Senate
seat, he was a NYPD Captain in central Brooklyn. He distinguished his police
career by co-founding 100 Blacks in Law Enforcement Who Care with several other
peace officers. Since taking his NYS
Senate office in 2006, Adams has kept an eye on NYPD activity. A visit to his State Senate website reveals
his dedicated attention to local police matters. There is a downloadable 23-slide presentation
entitled Stop, Question and Frisk
Procedure in the ‘Report’ section.
This slide show gives the objectives of Stop, Question and Frisk; the
procedure for carrying it out; and the four scenarios when a police officer can
conduct Stop, Question and Frisk. Using
2009 Center for Constitutional Rights’
findings and statistics, the State Senator makes a strong case that the
procedure “has unmerited focus on African-American and Latino youth; the
required reporting is not being followed; and the negative impact it has on
youths of color’s psyche and criminal record.” The slide show purports “Of the
four scenarios when a police officer should execute the practice, the
overwhelming scenario is to fulfill quotas or gather names for the NYPD
database”.
It appears that Stop, Question and Frisk flies in the face
of civil rights. When queried about the realities of
Stop Question and Frisk the State Senator posits, “Protecting New Yorkers and
protecting their civil rights do not have to be competing interests. We must give our law enforcement the tools
they need to keep us safe. The abuse of
Stop and Frisk is not useful in preventing crime. In fact, it sours communities against working
with police and that means crucial information isn’t shared to stop violence
before it can occur. The practice must
be reformed to better meet the necessary standard of reasonable suspicion, to
remove discrimination, and to ensure more criminals and fewer innocents are
targeted for Stop and Frisk.” His study
and assessment of Stop, Question and Frisk is comparable to Medgar Evers’s work
and concerns. Evers was shot in his back the early morning of June 12, 1963.
Currently the front runner in the race for the Brooklyn
Borough President’s Office, Adams stands to win the election in September. Should he win he will not only be New York
City’s first African American in the seat and but be the first police officer
in several decades. How will he make his
mark as the BP serving all of Brooklyn? Adam
says, “This is a pivotal moment for Brooklyn.
We have become very popular in recent years but that hasn’t meant a
better quality of life for everyone. I
want to turn our popularity into prosperity for all. The BP must have a unifying vision for the
borough that brings all Brooklynites together to make Brooklyn the best it can
be.”
Labels: African Americans, black interest, civil rights movement, community, discrimination, NYC, NYC politics, NYS Senate, Stop and Frisk, urban
Persistence Yields Rewards for African American Farmers
The National Black Farmers Association (NBFA) sought $2.5 billion for its suit against the US Department of Agriculture for racially discriminatory practices of the federal farm credit program but agrees to $1.25 billion on the condition the funds are appropriated by March 31, 2010. This money bundles $100 million from a 2008 Congressional allocation and $1.15 billion from President Barack Obama.
The struggle for admission of wrongdoing against African American farmers by the US Department of Agriculture and restitution began in 1984, when 50 African American farmers united in a class action suit called Pigford v. Glickman. “Many, at least twenty, have died,” remarks Boyd. This case is a study in persistence and strategic action.
“At the turn of the 20th century, there were one million black farmers whose aggregate land ownership amounted to 20 million acres. The turn of the 21st century finds the US with 35,000 full time African American farmers working 3 million acres,” states Boyd. John Boyd is a third generation farmer who operates a chicken farm in Baskerville, VA. The African American farmers attribute the reduction, in part, to the long term USDA farm credit program practices.
The farmers were hard pressed for media coverage of their plight, therefore they took action by forming the National Black Farmers Association in 1995, holding marches and rallies and taking their class action suit from state to state until a favorable decision was rendered in Washington, DC by Judge Freedman in 1997. It would be several more years when two Web sites would go live.
This issue experienced major stalls in the political process. It took time to get a Congressional Committee to bring it to the Congressional floor to get funding appropriated. NBFA’s major opponent is US Rep. Steve King (IA). Congressman King attends all Capitol Hill hearings on finding discriminatory practices in the federal farm credit program, restitution and the size of financial award. "He makes claims that claimants aren’t farmers; we should be glad we live in the US and there’s no discrimination in USDA farm credit practices,” explains Boyd.
The previous award stalled at the stage of release of funds. These events occurred during George W. Bush's administration. It was US President Barack Obama that agreed to meet with NBFA president John Boyd at the top of his term to get closure on an issue redressing discrimination and lost opportunities. The National Black Farmers Association (NBFA) sought $2.5 billion for its suit against the US Department of Agriculture for racially discriminatory practices of the federal farm credit program but agrees to $1.25 billion on the condition the funds are appropriated by March 31, 2010. This money bundles $100 million from a 2008 Congressional allocation and $1.15 billion from President Barack Obama.
These funds haven’t been released because the US Congress hasn’t appropriated it. Rather than tilling the land, NBFA president John W. Boyd, Jr. spends much time on Capitol Hill pressing Majority Leader US Rep. Nancy Pelosi and US Senator Harry Reid to move the 2010 Farm Bill, currently attached to a supplemental bill to what is termed “a moving bill.” Moving bills most desired are American Recovery and Reinvestment Act or FEMA Katrina Flood Recovery.
The Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) is supportive of this cause. It was US Rep. John Conyers (MI) chairing of the Judiciary Committee that brought the bill to the Congressional floor, July 8, 2007. Other supportive CBC members include Robert Scott (VA), Artur Davis (AL), Sanford Bishop, Jr. (GA), Bennie Thompson (MS), Maxine Waters (CA), Edolphus Towns (NY), James Clyburn (SC), and TK Butterfield (NC).
“But poor black farmers that don’t have money for lobbyists or campaign donations have to take the fight to the streets,” says Boyd. Late February through early March 2010, NBFA led ten marches in such towns as Montgomery, AL, Jackson, MS, Columbus, GA and Memphis, TN wherein 1,300 – 2,500 people participated at each place.
The National Black Farmers Association will not rest until the 2010 Farm Bill is attached to a moving bill that gets passed in the Congress and Senate before March 31, 2010 and finally, $50,000 is distributed to each claimant plus debt relief or up to $250,000 for claims of actual damages from the bias. The settlement doesn’t have a set aside for farm startup. If March 31 finds the $1.25 billion un-appropriated, the farmers have the option to demand the original $2.5.billion from the USDA.
NBFA’s existence and struggle reminds the public that African Americans are agriculturists and business people. NBFA is an example of African American fortitude yielding results. Stay abreast of the black farmers’ activities by visiting www.blackfarmers.org and www.johnboydjr.com.
Labels: black farmers, discrimination, economics, land rights
